Hitler's
Vienna
A dictator's apprencticeship
by Brigitte Hamann
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Was Young Hitler an
Anti-Semite?
There
can be no doubt that while in Vienna, young Hitler studied anti-Semitism,
among other matters. The four politicians who may be called his
political models -Schönerer, Lueger, Wolf, and Stein- were
radical anti-Semites. Many newspapers which Hitler read in Vienna,
and many pamphlets he perused for his self-education, were anti-Semitic.
Even when he was already Reich chancellor, Hitler's way of expressing
himself had a Viennese ring to it when he elaborated on "the Jews."
This proves that he mastered the anti-Semitic vocabulary of his
Vienna period with all its characteristic cliches perfectly. Therefore
many later observers, such as Albert Speer, initially took Hitler's
anti-Semitism "for a somewhat vulgar byproduct, a relic from his
days in Vienna ...and only God knows why he couldn't shed it."
Thus
it seems to be clear that Hitler's anti-Semitism developed in a
straightforward line, especially if one reads Hitler's description
in Mein Kampf of how he had become an anti-Semite in Vienna:
For me this was a time of the greatest spiritual upheaval
I have ever had to go through. I had ceased to be
a weak~kneed cosmopolitan and became an anti~Semite. Vienna,
he said, had significantly contributed to his becoming anti-Semitic:
At the time of this bitter struggle between spiritual education
and cold reason, the visual instruction of the Vienna streets had
performed invaluable services.
As
the decisive event of his transformation into an anti-Semite, Hitler
mentions-in 1924, to be sure, in Mein Kampf- an encounter
with an Eastern Jew. The apparition in a black caftan
and black hair locks merely made him wonder: Is this
a Jew? was my first thought. And : Is this a German?
Once again, he says, this experience caused him to read up on
the subject: For a few hellers I bought the first anti-Semitic
pamphlets of my life. What happened then, he continues, was
what may be called a radical anti-Semite's typical obsession : Since
I had begun to concern myself with this question and to take
cognizance of the Jews, Vienna appeared to me in a different
light than before. Wherever I went, I began to see Jews ,
and the more I saw, the more sharply they became distinguished
in my eyes from the rest of humanity. The upshot of this dramatic
development, Hitler claims, was the realization regarding Social
Democracy's Jewish character: When I recognized the Jew
as the leader of the Social Democracy, the scales dropped from my
eyes. A long soul struggle had reached its conclusion.
Of
course, Mein Kampf must not be read as an autobiography in
the sense of its author dealing with his own past, or as a confession
in which he worked through his experiences. The book is clearly
a work of political propaganda, in which a power-hungry politician
on the rise buttresses his political slogans and builds them up
through a fitting life story to form a weltanschauung. In Mein
Kampf Hitler created an organically grown anti-Semitic career
for himself with politically convenient anti-Semitic images in its
key scenes. Thus the book must also be read as the developmental
history of a Germanic leader who found the right when he was young.
However,
reality, as it emerges from the reports of Viennese eye witnesses,
has little to do with the myths Mein Kampf purports. Apart
from the special case of August Kubizek, no anti-Semitic remark
by the young Hitler has been documented.
Reinhold
Hanisch, clearly an anti-Semite, was incredulous when he heard that
Hitler, of all people, was an extreme, anti-Semitic politician in
the thirties. After all, Hanisch and Hitler had their falling out
in the men's hostel in 1910 because Hitler turned entirely to his
Jewish friends Josef Neumann and Siegfried Löffner. In the
thirties, in his anger Hanisch revealed Hitler's youth as anything
but anti-Semitic in order to discredit Hitler as a politician.
Hanisch
is by no means alone in his assertions. Anonymous from Brünn
also wrote, in 1912 : "Hitler got along extremely well with Jews.
He once said they were an intelligent people that stuck together
more than the Germans." Rudolf Häusler, the colleague in the
men's hostel, was at a loss when his daughter questioned him about
the anti-Semitism of his then twenty-three- to twenty-four-year-old
friend Adolf. Häusler told her that he had not noticed anything
of the kind in Vienna. Yet he knew that in Munich, Hitler had thought
he had been cheated by a Jewish junk dealer, which might have been
a reason for Hitler's subsequent anti-Semitism-surely no conclusive
proof.
The
Viennese eyewitnesses remembered unanimously that Hitler's dealings
with Jews had been quite natural. For example, Jakob Wasserberg
from Galicia, who ran a small brandy store at 20 Webgasse, close
to Stumpergasse, related that the young man had frequently had breakfast
with him: "Mr. Wasserberg, a tea and a Laberl." (A Laberl
is a cookie.)
It
is worthy of note that among all the stories of his sufferings in
Vienna, Hitler never mentioned a bad experience with a Jew. let
us briefly recapitulate young Hitler's encounters with Jews in Linz
and Vienna: Even when he was Reich chancellor, Hitler expressed
his gratitude to his Jewish family doctor in Linz, Dr. Eduard Bloch,
who attended to his mother until she died. In his American exile
Dr. Bloch clearly stressed that young Hitler had certainly not been
an anti-Semite in Linz: "He had not yet begun to hate the Jews."
The theory that Hitler's anti-Semitism goes back to a Jewish professor
who had flunked him at the academy exam is as untenable as the sensational
story about Hitler's getting infected with syphilis by a Jewish
prostitute in Leopoldstadt. When in 1908 anti-Semitic smear campaigns
at the Vienna Opera were raging against former director Gustav Mahler,
Hitler continued to admire Mahler as a Wagner interpreter. Accompanied
by Kubizek, nineteen-year-old Hitler witnessed the family life and
culture of an educated Jewish middle-class family during music making
in the house of the Jahodas ; he was deeply impressed and did not
utter the slightest anti-Semitic remark.
Furthermore,
he had every reason to be grateful to Jewish benefactors. When he
was homeless in 1909 -and probably earlier and later as well-he
profited from Jewish social institutions in many ways, from public
Warmestuben to soup kitchens and Jewish citizens' donations
to the homeless shelter in Meidling and the men's hostel in Brigittenau.
In
the men's hostel, Hitler had mainly Jewish friends, which made Hanisch
very angry. His best friend, the religious Jew Neumann, a trained
copper polisher, gave him a coat when he had nothing to wear and
lent him money. Hitler disappeared with him from the men's hostel
for a week. Hanisch's comment: "Neumann was a goodhearted man who
liked Hitler very much and whom Hitler of course highly esteemed."
Hitler also discussed issues concerning anti-Semitism and Zionism
with Neumann -by no means contemptuously as he did with the Social
Democratic colleagues in the men's hostel, but jokingly, in a friendly
way. He even went so far as to defend Heine, who was under anti-Semitic
attack, to quote Lessing's "Parable of the Ring," and to acknowledge
the achievements of Jewish composers, such as Mendelssohn and Offenbach.
Siegfried
Löffner from Moravia, a Jewish colleague at the men's hostel,
even dragged Hitler's archenemy, Hanisch, to the police to report
him for defrauding Hitler. The Jewish locksmith Simon Robinson from
Galicia, who received a small invalid's pension, helped Hitler out
financially.
Karl
Honisch mentions an additional Jewish acquaintance in the men's
hostel in 1913, Rudolf Redlich from Moravia. It would be erroneous
to assume that a particularly large percentage of men at the hostel
had been Jewish. According to statistics, 8 to 10 percent were Jewish-which
corresponded to the median Jewish population in Vienna. From Hitler's
later remark on his Vienna years we may conclude that Hanisch was
not the only anti-Semite there: "Many workers with whom he had associated,
he said, had been decidedly anti-Semitic."
Hitler
sold his paintings almost exclusively to Jewish dealers: Morgenstern,
landsberger, and Altenberg. Hanisch writes: "The Christian dealers.
..didn't pay any better than the Jews. Besides, they only bought
more material when they had disposed of the first shipment, while
the Jewish dealers continued to buy whether they had sold anything
or not."
When
the NSDAP archive searched for early Hitler paintings in 1938, they
still found unsold pieces both in Morgenstern's and Altenberg's
stores, after more than twenty-five years. Hanisch writes: "Hitler
often said that it was only with the Jews that one could do business,
because only they were willing to take chances." Frame manufacturer
Jakob Altenberg from Galicia could not remember any anti-Semitic
statements by Hitler. Hitler had close personal contact with Samuel
Morgenstern, who procured private customers for the young man, for
example, Jewish lawyer Dr. Josef Feingold, who in turn sponsored
Hitler.
Young
Hitler's exceptional contacts with Jews may also be an indication
that he considered the Jews to be "something better." As Kubizek
reports, in the Opera's standing room he had the opportunity to
observe the Jews' particularly great cultural interest. Hitler was
familiar with the different figures for Christian and Jewish students
at the universities, as well as the popular jokes about the "intelligent,"
"intellectual" Jews who easily got the better of the "nice" Christians.
In
the men's hostel he expressed his approval of Jewish tradition,
which had managed to preserve the purity of the "Jewish race" for
thousands of years. It should be remembered that in the work of
list and Lanz von Liebenfels it is not the alien race that is dangerous
and ruinous, but only the mixing of races, which decreases the value
of the Aryan "noble people" and therefore should be avoided at all
cost. As late as 1930 Hitler talked extensively about the Jews'
ability to preserve their race by way of religion and strict rules,
among them, the prohibition of marriages with non-Jews. Hitler directly
continued list's theories when he told Wagner: Through Moses
the Jewish people received a rule for life and living one's
life that was elevated to a religion which was entirely tailored
toward the essence of one's race, and simply and clearly, without
dogmas and dubious rules of faith, soberly and absolutely
realistically contains what served the future and self-preservation
of the children of Israel. Everything is geared toward the well
being of one's own people, nothing toward consideration of others.
After further explanations, Hitler arrived at the conclusion
that we. ..no doubt have to recognize with admiration this incredible
strength of the Jews' preservation of their race.
Hitler
adopted Jewish "purity of race" as nothing less than a model for
his own weltanschauung regarding the necessity of the racial purity
of Aryans.
It
was only as a politician that Hitler portrayed the Jews as "parasites"
who robbed Aryans of their strength through their intellectual impact,
democracy, Social Democracy, the press, capital, parliamentarianism,
modern art, pornography, pacifism, and much more. Around 1930 Hitler
said to Wagner: This is precisely the parasitic instinct, which
non parasitic plants don't have. A special talent!
A sixth sense! A business sense-of sadistic origin,
to be sure, but the superiority of parasites! If the "host people"
didn't put up a sufficient defense, Hitler said, the Jews would
survive as the fittest: And the last ones, alas , who
will still practice usury when the end has come for mankind,
will be the Jews, despite everything. And: Was it possible
that the earth had been promised as a reward to that people? In
Hitler the politician, who liked to present himself as the savior
of the German people, all the theories of a duel between races about
"to be or not to be," which he had read and took for the truth,
became an anti-Semitic syndrome.
Only
in his Spandau diaries does Speer reach the conclusion that "the
hatred of the Jews was Hitler's motor and core," "sometimes it now
even seems to me as if everything else had only been garnish for
this, the actual driving force." One argument for this theory would
be that toward the end of the war, Hitler "was ready even to risk
his plans of conquest for the sake of his extermination mania."
How
much all of Hitler's thinking circled around "the Jews," is revealed
in his "Political Testament," dictated on April 29, 1945, at 4:00
A.M., shortly before his suicide. It ends with the order to painstakingly
follow the racial laws and to mercilessly resist the global poisoner
of all peoples, international Jewry.
However,
the crucial question as to when anti-Semitism became Hitler's central
issue and core of his weltanschauung cannot be answered by looking
at his years in Linz and Vienna. This development took place in
later years. At any rate, when Hitler became a politician and started
addressing the public in Munich in 1919, he already employed aggressive
anti-Semitic slogans.
Thus
this great turning point must have occurred during the years of
the World War, and particularly in the years of upheaval, in 1918-19,
when Hitler decided to become a politician.
That
time was especially susceptible to those theories with which Hitler
had become intimately familiar in Vienna. Again the cliché
about a "Jewish world revolution" as the beginning of a forthcoming
"Jewish world rule," which was set off in Russia, was bandied about.
This time, however -in contrast to 1905- the Russian Revolution
was victorious: in 1917 the Bolsheviks toppled the czar from his
throne and usurped power. One year later the revolution broke out
in Germany and Austro-Hungary. The Hohenzollerns as well as the
Hapsburgs lost their power. The Social Democrats, the "November
criminals," took over the government. This was followed by the "disgraceful
victory of Versailles," forced upon the losers of World War I by
"international powers"-which, ac- cording to anti-Semitic propaganda,
was the work of "the Jews" and humiliated Germany. Hunger and despair,
rootlessness and lack of orientation ruled. In addition, legions
of immigrants and refugees arrived, among them, many Eastern Jews.
As
in all times of hardship, anti-Semitism served public speakers as
an effective slogan, as it fell on fertile ground. Radical politicians
whose roots were "at the bottom," "with the people," recognized
their chance. At that time of confusion, Hitler, who was now thirty
years old and had nothing to lose since he didn't have anything,
not even a job, grasped his opportunity. Now he could apply all
that he had learned in Vienna, the motto being: "The Jews are to
blame for everything."
He
was encouraged and supported mainly by his "paternal friend," the
writer Dietrich Eckart, to whom he erected a remarkable monument
at the end of Mein Kampf. Eckart was a link to Hitler's Vienna
years in that he was a member of the Thule Society, which in turn
was connected with the List Society and List's secret order HAO.
The early artificial image of Hitler as Germany's future leader
who as a modern-day Messiah faced the public at the age of thirty
can probably also be attributed to Eckart. Hitler described his
decision dramatically in Mein Kampf: when he was in the military
hospital of Pasewalk in Pomerania, almost blind from a gas injury,
the news of the November revolution and Emperor William's II abdication
arrived. His immediate response was to blame "the Jew": There
is no making pacts with Jews; there can only be the hard:
either or. I, for my part, decided to go into
politics.
After
having become familiar with Hitler's constant efforts at creating
an artificial persona after the fact and his persistent obfuscating
of his early biography (where the event in question probably happened
much less heroically), I would like to point out this version's
great similarity with Guido von List's tale of his awakening. After
all, List too could "see" again after having been temporarily blind,
and in this state allegedly "received" the revelation of the secret
of the runes. As he signaled to "those in the know," the sudden
realization, in a state of blindness, that he wanted to become a
politician, made Hitler appear to be a "chosen one", a "man
of Providence", a "strong one from above".
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